Kota Tidore Kepulauan merupakan salah satu daerah otonom di Provinsi Maluku Utara yang terbentuk sebagai bagian yang tidak terpisahkan dari bergulirnya era reformasi dan berlakunya kebijakan otonomi daerah. Pada tanggal 25 Februari 2003 Kota Tidore Kepulauan dibentuk bersama 4 (Empat) daerah otonom lainnya di Provinsi Maluku Utara yaitu Kebupaten Halmahera Utara, Kabupaten Halmahera Selatan, Kabupaten Kepulauan Sula, Kabupaten Halmahera Timur berdasarkan Undang-Undang Nomor 1 Tahun 2003 dan diresmikan pada tanggal 31 Mei 2003. Pusat penyelenggaraan pemerintahan Kota Tidore Kepulauan berkedudukan di Pulau Tidore.
Selain struktur pemerintahan daerah, terdapat struktur pemerintahan kesultanan Tidore yang masih eksis sampai saat ini dan pernah mencapai puncak kejayaannya pada era kepemimpinan Sultan Nuku alias Sultan Said-ul Jehad Muhammad Al-Mabus Amir Ud-din Syah alias Kaicil Paparangan yang oleh masyarakat Tidore dikenal dengan sebutan Jou Barakati. Pada masa kekuasaannya (1797-1805), wilayah Kerajaan Tidore mencakup kawasan yang cukup luas hingga mencapai Kepulauan Pasifik bagian selatan.
Sejak dibentuk sampai saat ini Kota Tidore Kepulauan telah memasuki usia pemerintahan ke 12 tahun yang diperingati sebagai hari jadi Pemerintahan Kota Tidore Kepulauan dan tidore sendiri telah memasuki hari jadinya yang ke 907 tahun pada tahun 2015 yang diperingati dengan serangkaian acara ritual adat istiadat dan budaya.
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Exploring migrants, exiles, expatriates, and out-of-the-way peoples, places, and times.
Posted in South Asia.
Wordcatcher Tales: Kedgeree, Koshary.
For Helen Mildmay White, whose family lived at Flete House, breakfast was, without fail, ‘bacon and eggs and when there were visitors, four different kinds of eggs and bacon, sausages, kidneys and always a kedgeree, cold ham and cold tongue and scones with butter and Devonshire cream.’
I read this passage a few days after having had my first—very pleasant—taste of an Egyptian dish spelled “koshary” at a restaurant named for that very dish in downtown Greensboro, North Carolina. It turns out that British (Anglo-Indian) kedgeree and Egyptian kushari are from the same Sanskrit source, transliterated kichdi in English Wikipedia. Its basis is rice with legumes, like rice and beans in so many other cultures, but the added ingredients vary greatly around the world. A relatively recent addition to the Egyptian version is macaroni.
Roles of British Servants in India.
The servant in India conducted his work with a commitment that even in Britain would have been hard to command. The duties, for example, of the khitmagar, or bearer, might include standing behind his master’s chair at mealtimes and stirring his tea, cutting his meat – everything short of actually eating the food for him. By the mid-1920s, even the most self-important pukka sahib found this kind of behaviour a little embarrassing.
Her servants were generally the first people from whom the Raj housewife, if she were curious, learned about India. There were the minutely calibrated differences in religious observance and caste to begin with. Intricate sectarian distinctions meant that each job came with its own religious significance to be carefully respected. The cook (always a man) would not touch pork if he were a Muslim or beef if he were a Hindu. The khitmagar, who had the task of managing the other servants, would not undertake anything but his own tasks; even moving an article of furniture would be beneath him. The work of sweeping, scrubbing or emptying chamberpots was done only by Untouchables; the work of looking after dogs by yet another caste – and often a young child. Untouchables would not handle dead animals, the disposal of which required the services of another group altogether, and the Goddens remembered that ‘if a crow fell dead into our garden or one of our guinea-pigs died, Nitai, our sweeper could not pick up or touch the corpse; a boy of a special sect had to be called in from the bazaar; he put on his best shirt of marigold-coloured silk to do this grisly work’.
Most servants were men, with the exception of the ayah, who was the household nanny, but the cook ( khansama ) would often have helping him in the kitchen a tunny-ketch, a woman permitted to feed the poultry, grind the spices and cook the rice, attend to the lamps and clean the master’s boots, work considered beneath the dignity of the cook. A musalchi helped with the washing-up, a kind of scullion, described in 1890 by Flora Annie Steel: ‘bearing, as his badge of office, a greasy swab of rag tied to a bit of bamboo’. In most large households, a derzi, or tailor, endlessly stitching at clothes he was mending or copying, might be found sitting on the verandah; then there was the dhobi, who had the never-ending labour of the family’s laundry (and most people changed at least twice a day in the heat, and then for dinner). In those places where there were no telephones, chuprassis were employed to send messages and acted as informal bodyguards, always on the lookout for people going in and out. And because many rural areas had no electricity and therefore no electric fans, there was also the punkah-wallah whose sole duty was to pull the rope that operated the fan, or punkah, day and night to create a cooling breeze. The night punkah-wallah could do it by fixing a rope to a foot and could perform the movement while almost asleep.